Sino-American relations

Sino-American relations refers to interstate relations between the United States and China. Most analysts have characterized present Sino-American relations as complex and multi-faceted, with the U.S. and the People's Republic of China (PRC) being neither allies nor enemies. At the same time, it is generally acknowledged that the nature of Sino-American relations will be a major factor in determining the state of the world in the 21st century.

History

The nineteenth century

The Open Door Policy

Much of Sino-American relations in the early 20th century was mediated by Protestant missionaries.

Related Topics:
Protestant - Missionaries

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World War II

The United States provided heavy support for the Chinese in their war against Japan.

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Henry Luce and Time magazine.

Related Topics:
Henry Luce - Time magazine

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People's Republic of China

For 30 years after its founding, the United States did not formally recognize the People's Republic of China. Instead, it maintained diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (on Taiwan), and recognized the ROC as the sole legitimate government of all China.

Related Topics:
Republic of China - China

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As the Communist armies moved south to complete the communist conquest of mainland China in 1949, the American embassy followed the Republic of China government headed by Chiang Kai-shek, finally moving to Taipei later that year. U.S. consular officials remained in mainland China. However, the new PRC Government was hostile to this official American presence, and all U.S. personnel were withdrawn from the mainland in early 1950.

Related Topics:
Communist armies - Mainland China - 1949 - Chiang Kai-shek - Taipei - 1950

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Korean War

Any remaining hope of normalizing relations ended when U.S. and Chinese communist forces fought directly against each other in the Korean War. The Soviet Union was more of a factor than the People's Republic of China in instigating the 1950 North Korean invasion of South Korea. However, once the American-led United Nations forces' counter-attack crossed the pre-war dividing line into the north and reached close to the Korean-Chinese border, the Chinese intervened in the war with full force and fury. The subsequent Chinese counterattack caused the longest retreat in American military history and heavy casualties on both sides, before the U.N. forces were able to again counter-attack and driven the Chinese back to near the dividing line. Two years of continued and often locally bitter fighting in an overall stalemate then ensued while negotiations dragged on, until a cease-fire was agreed to in 1953.

Related Topics:
Korean War - Soviet Union - 1950 - North Korea - South Korea - United Nations - 1953

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Relations very cold

The United States worked to prevent the PRC from taking China's seat in the United Nations and encouraged its allies to also not deal with the PRC.

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Despite this official non-recognition beginning in 1954 and continuing until 1970, the United States and People's Republic of China held 136 meetings at the ambassadorial level, first in Geneva and later in Warsaw.

Related Topics:
1954 - 1970 - Geneva - Warsaw

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Rapproachement

Both the Chinese and the Americans had issued feelers to try to improve relations between the two major powers. This became an especially important concern for the People's Republic of China after the Sino-Soviet Split left them surrounded by enemies in the USSR, Vietnam and India. The PRC were isolated and the leadership came to believe that improved relations with the United States would be essential to guarantee the PRC's security. This is an age-old Chinese foreign policy tactic: to play off a distant barbarian against a barbarian nearby. Zhou Enlai, the PRC premier foreign minister was at the forefront of this effort, but he had the committed backing of Chairman Mao.

Related Topics:
Sino-Soviet Split - USSR - Vietnam - India - Zhou Enlai

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In the United States there was long a feeling that excluding Communist China from the world stage had a harmful effect. The Americans hoped that improved relations with China could help them in the Southeast Asia to deal with Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos and that if China would align with the U.S. it would mean a major redistribution of global power against the Soviets. There had also long been a belief that China's market of over a billion consumers could be a boon to American business.

Related Topics:
Vietnam - Cambodia - Laos

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One of the most interested in China was Mike Mansfield, the Democratic Senate Majority Leader. He was contacted by the PRC and they proposed a meeting. Mansfield passed the note on to the State Department and President Richard Nixon.

Related Topics:
Mike Mansfield - Democratic - Senate Majority Leader - State Department - Richard Nixon

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Nixon had long been interested in Asia as well and his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger also believed an approach to the PRC would be valuable. Domestic political concerns entered heavily into Nixon's thinking. The boost from a successful courting of the PRC would help him greatly in the 1972 American presidential election. He also worried immensely that one of the Democrats would preempt him and go to China before him.

Related Topics:
National Security Advisor - Henry Kissinger - 1972 American presidential election

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Communications were ongoing between the PRC and American leadership through various intermediaries including Pakistan, Romania, and American journalist Edgar Snow.

Related Topics:
Pakistan - Romania - Edgar Snow

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In 1969, the United States thus initiated measures to relax trade restrictions and other impediments to bilateral contact. In April of 1971, while negotiations over improving relations were proceeding, a young American ping pong player approached the PRC delegation at a tournament in Nagoya, Japan and talked with them in a friendly fashion. While this was a purely spontaneous gesture of friendship from the American athlete the PRC took it as an officially sanctioned outreach. Later known as Ping Pong Diplomacy, the PRC responded by inviting the American ping pong team to tour China. The Americans agreed and in March of 1971 the athletes became the first Americans to officially visit China since the communist takeover in 1949.

Related Topics:
1969 - Ping pong - Nagoya - Japan - Ping Pong Diplomacy - 1949

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In July of 1971 Henry Kissinger, while on a trip to Pakistan, was announced to the media to be ill and did not appear in public for a day. In fact he was on a top-secret mission to Beijing to open relations with the government of the PRC. On July 15, 1971, President Richard Nixon revealed the mission to the world and that he would initiate direct contact with the communist Chinese leadership and that he, the President, had been invited to visit mainland China.

Related Topics:
Pakistan - Beijing - 1971 - Richard Nixon

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This announcement caused immediate shock around the world. In the United States some of the most hardline anti-communists spoke against the decision, but the vast majority of politicians and the people supported the move and Nixon saw the jump in the polls he has been hoping for. Since Nixon had sterling anti-communist credentials he was all but immune to being called "soft on communism."

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Within the PRC there was also opposition from the most dedicated communists. This effort was led by Lin Biao, head of the military. Lin Biao, however, died in a still unexplained plane crash over Mongolia while trying to defect to the Soviet Union, silencing most internal dissent.

Related Topics:
Lin Biao - Mongolia

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Internationally the reactions varied. The Soviets were immensely concerned that their two enemies seemed to have resolved their differences, and the new world alignment contributes significantly to Détente.

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America's European allies and Canada were pleased by the initiative, especially since many of them had already recognized the PRC. In Asia the reaction was far more mixed. Japan was extremely annoyed that it had not been told of the announcement until fifteen minutes before it had been made, and feared that the Americans were abandoning them in favour of the PRC. In only a short time Japan also recognized the PRC and was involved in substantial trade with the continental power. South Korea and South Vietnam were both concerned that peace between the United States and the PRC could mean an end to support for them against communist aggression. Throughout the period of rapprochement both these states had to be regularly assured that they would not be abandoned.

Related Topics:
European - Canada - Asia - Japan - South Korea - South Vietnam

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From February 21 to February 28, 1972, President Nixon traveled to Beijing, Hangzhou, and Shanghai. At the conclusion of his trip, the U.S. and PRC Governments issued the Shanghai Communiqué, a statement of their foreign policy views. In the Communiqué, both nations pledged to work toward the full normalization of diplomatic relations. The U.S. acknowledged the PRC position that all Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait maintain that there is only one China and that Taiwan is part of China. The statement enabled the U.S. and PRC to temporarily set aside the "crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations" - Taiwan - and to open trade and other contacts.

Related Topics:
February 21 - February 28 - 1972 - Hangzhou - Shanghai - Shanghai Communiqué - Taiwan Strait - There is only one China

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The rapprochement with the United States benefited the PRC immensely and greatly increased its security for the rest of the Cold War. The United States saw fewer benefits than it had hoped for. The PRC continued to heavily support North Vietnam in the Vietnam War and also backed the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. The economic benefits of normalization were also slow as it has taken many decades for American products to penetrate the vast mainland Chinese market. While Nixon's China policy is regarded by many as the highlight of his presidency, others such as William Bundy, have argued that it provided very little benefit to the United States.

Related Topics:
North Vietnam - Khmer Rouge - Cambodia - William Bundy

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Liaison Office, 1973-1978

In May 1973, in an effort to build toward the establishment of formal diplomatic relations, the U.S. and PRC established the United States Liaison Office (USLO) in Beijing and a counterpart Chinese office in Washington, DC. In the years between 1973 and 1978, such distinguished Americans as David Bruce, George H. W. Bush, Thomas S. Gates, and Leonard Woodcock served as chiefs of the USLO with the personal rank of Ambassador.

Related Topics:
1973 - United States Liaison Office - Washington, DC - David Bruce - George H. W. Bush - Thomas S. Gates - Leonard Woodcock

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President Ford visited China in 1975 and reaffirmed the U.S. interest in normalizing relations with Beijing. Shortly after taking office in 1977, President Carter again reaffirmed the interest expressed in the Shanghai Communiqué. The United States and People's Republic of China announced on December 15, 1978, that the two governments would establish diplomatic relations on January 1, 1979.

Related Topics:
1975 - 1977 - President Carter - December 15 - 1978 - January 1 - 1979

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U.S.-China relations since normalization

In the Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations dated January 1, 1979, the United States transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. The U.S. reiterated the Shanghai Communiqué's acknowledgment of the Chinese position that there is only one China and that Taiwan is a part of China; Beijing acknowledged that the American people would continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial contacts with the people of Taiwan. The Taiwan Relations Act made the necessary changes in U.S. domestic law to permit such unofficial relations with Taiwan to flourish.

Related Topics:
Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations - One China - Taiwan Relations Act

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Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping's January 1979 visit to Washington, DC initiated a series of important, high-level exchanges, which continued until the spring of 1989. This resulted in many bilateral agreements - especially in the fields of scientific, technological, and cultural interchange and trade relations. Since early 1979, the United States and China have initiated hundreds of joint research projects and cooperative programs under the Agreement on Cooperation in Science and Technology, the largest bilateral program.

Related Topics:
Deng Xiaoping - 1989

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On March 1, 1979, the United States and People's Republic of China formally established embassies in Beijing and Washington, DC. During 1979, outstanding private claims were resolved, and a bilateral trade agreement was concluded. Vice President Walter Mondale reciprocated Vice Premier Deng's visit with an August 1979 trip to China. This visit led to agreements in September 1980 on maritime affairs, civil aviation links, and textile matters, as well as a bilateral consular convention.

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As a consequence of high-level and working-level contacts initiated in 1980, U.S. dialogue with the PRC broadened to cover a wide range of issues, including global and regional strategic problems, political-military questions, including arms control, UN and other multilateral organization affairs, and international narcotics matters.

Related Topics:
UN - Narcotic

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The expanding relationship that followed normalization was threatened in 1981 by Chinese objections to the level of U.S. arms sales to the Republic of China on Taiwan. Secretary of State Alexander Haig visited China in June 1981 in an effort to resolve Chinese questions about America's unofficial relations with Taiwan. Eight months of negotiations produced the U.S.-China joint communiqué of August 17, 1982. In this third communiqué, the U.S. stated its intention to reduce gradually the level of arms sales to the Republic of China, and the Chinese described as a fundamental policy their effort to strive for a peaceful resolution to the Taiwan question. Meanwhile, Vice President Bush visited China in May 1982.

Related Topics:
Alexander Haig - 1982 - Taiwan question

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High-level exchanges continued to be a significant means for developing U.S.-PRC relations in the 1980s. President Ronald Reagan and Premier Zhao Ziyang made reciprocal visits in 1984. In July 1985, President Li Xiannian traveled to the United States, the first such visit by a Chinese head of state. Vice President Bush visited China in October 1985 and opened the U.S. Consulate General in Chengdu, the U.S.'s fourth consular post in mainland China. Further exchanges of cabinet-level officials occurred between 1985-1989, capped by President Bush's visit to Beijing in February 1989.

Related Topics:
Ronald Reagan - Zhao Ziyang - Li Xiannian - Chengdu

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In the period before the June 3-4, 1989 crackdown, a large and growing number of cultural exchange activities undertaken at all levels gave the American and Chinese peoples broad exposure to each other's cultural, artistic, and educational achievements. Numerous Chinese professional and official delegations visited the United States each month. Many of these exchanges continued after Tiananmen.

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Bilateral relations after Tiananmen

Following the communist Chinese authorities' suppression of demonstrators in June 1989, the U.S. and other governments enacted a number of measures to express their condemnation of the PRC's violation of human rights. The U.S. suspended high-level official exchanges with the PRC and weapons exports from the U.S. to China. The U.S. also imposed a number of economic sanctions. In the summer of 1990, at the G-7 Houston summit, Western nations called for renewed political and economic reforms in China, particularly in the field of human rights.

Related Topics:
Human rights - Economic sanction - G-7

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Tiananmen disrupted the U.S.-PRC trade relationship, and U.S. investors' interest in China dropped dramatically. The U.S. Government also responded to the political repression by suspending certain trade and investment programs on June 5 and 20, 1989. Some sanctions were legislated; others were executive actions. Examples include:

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• The U.S. Trade and Development Agency (TDA) - new activities in China were suspended from June 1989 until January 2001, when then-President Clinton lifted this suspension.
• Overseas Private Insurance Corporation (OPIC) - new activities suspended since June 1989.
• Development Bank Lending/IMF Credits - the United States does not support development bank lending and will not support IMF credits to China except for projects that address basic human needs.
• Munitions List Exports - subject to certain exceptions, no licenses may be issued for the export of any defense article on the U.S. Munitions List. This restriction may be waived upon a presidential national interest determination.
• Arms Imports - import of defense articles from China was banned after the imposition of the ban on arms exports to China. The import ban was subsequently waived by the Administration and reimposed on May 26, 1994. It covers all items on the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms' Munitions Import List.

In 1996, the PRC conducted military exercises in the Taiwan Strait in an apparent effort to intimidate the Taiwan electorate before the pending presidential elections, triggering the Third Taiwan Straits Crisis. The United States dispatched two aircraft carrier battle groups to the region. Subsequently, tensions in the Taiwan Strait diminished, and relations between the U.S. and PRC had improved, with increased high-level exchanges and progress on numerous bilateral issues, including human rights, nonproliferation, and trade. President Jiang Zemin visited the United States in the fall of 1997, the first state visit to the U.S. by a PRC president since 1985. In connection with that visit, the two sides reached agreement on implementation of their 1985 agreement on Peaceful Nuclear Cooperation, as well as a number of other issues. President Clinton visited China in June 1998. He traveled extensively in China, and direct interaction with the Chinese people included live speeches and a radio show, allowing the President to convey first hand to the Chinese people a sense of American ideals and values.

Related Topics:
Taiwan Strait - Pending presidential elections - Third Taiwan Straits Crisis - Nonproliferation - Jiang Zemin - PRC president - 1998

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Relations between the U.S. and PRC were severely strained by the NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in May 1999 (said in some press to have been deliberate). By the end of 1999, relations began to gradually improve. In October 1999, the two sides reached agreement on humanitarian payments for families of those who died and those who were injured as well as payments for damages to respective diplomatic properties in Belgrade and China.

Related Topics:
NATO - Belgrade

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In April 2001, a Chinese J-8 fighter jet collided with a U.S. EP-3 reconnaissance aircraft flying over international waters south of China. The EP-3 was able to make an emergency landing on China's Hainan Island despite extensive damage; the PRC aircraft crashed with the loss of its pilot, Wang Wei. Following extensive negotiations resulting in the Letter of the two sorries, the crew of the EP-3 was allowed to leave China 11 days later, but the U.S. aircraft was not permitted to depart for another 3 months. Subsequently, the relationship, which had cooled following the incident, gradually improved.

Related Topics:
2001 - J-8 fighter jet - Collided - EP-3 - Hainan - Wang Wei - Letter of the two sorries

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Sino-American relations after 9/11

Sino-American relations changed radically following the September 11, 2001 attacks. The PRC offered strong public support for the war on terrorism. The PRC voted in favor of UNSCR 1373, publicly supported the coalition campaign in Afghanistan, and contributed $150 million of bilateral assistance to Afghan reconstruction following the defeat of the Taliban. Shortly after 9-11, the U.S. and PRC also commenced a counterterrorism dialogue. The third round of that dialogue was held in Beijing in February 2003.

Related Topics:
September 11, 2001 attacks - UNSCR 1373 - Afghanistan - Taliban

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In the United States, the terrorist attacks greatly changed the nature of discourse. It was no longer plausible to argue, as the blue team had earlier asserted, that the PRC was the primary security threat to the United States, and the need to focus on the Middle East and the War on Terror made it a priority for the United States to avoid distractions in East Asia.

Related Topics:
Blue team - Middle East - War on Terror

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In mainland China, there were initial fears that the United States would use the War on Terror as an excuse to advance an anti-Chinese agenda, especially as the United States began establishing bases in Central Asia and acting against Iraq. These fears had largely subsided by mid-2003 as the continuing American involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan revealed the limits of American ability to act unilaterally. Among the Chinese public, there was some initial celebration at fact that 9-11 had shown that the United States was not invulnerable, but this quickly dissipated as the magnitude of the attack became known. Many Chinese citizens died in the WTC rubble, and Chinese companies and individuals sent expressions of condolences to their U.S. counterparts. The application of American power in Iraq and continuing efforts by the United States to cooperate with China has significantly reduced the popular anti-Americanism that had been fostered in the mid-1990s.

Related Topics:
War on Terror - Central Asia - Iraq - Afghanistan

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The PRC and the U.S. have also been working closely on regional issues like North Korea. The People's Republic of China has stressed its opposition to the DPRK's decision to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, its concerns over North Korea's nuclear capabilities, and its desire for a non-nuclear Korean peninsula. It also voted to refer the DPRK's noncompliance with its IAEA obligations to the UN Security Council in New York. However, many Americans have accused the PRC of dragging its feet on this issue and even secretly propping up North Korea, as a cugdel against US and Japan.

Related Topics:
North Korea - Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty - Korean peninsula - IAEA - UN Security Council

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Taiwan remains a volatile issue, but one that as of 2003 appeared to be under control. The United States policy toward Taiwan has involved emphasizing the Four Noes and One Without, and in several cases the United States appeared to step in when it appeared that the Republic of China government on Taiwan was moving away from that policy. However, in 2005, China passed an anti-succession law which implied that China would reunify with Taiwan through whatever means possible. Many critics of the PRC, such as the Blue team, note that China was trying to take advantage of the US quagmire in Iraq.

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