Rwandan Genocide

The Rwandan Genocide was the slaughter of an estimated 937,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus by a group of Hutu extremists known as Interahamwe during a period of 100 days in 1994.

Prelude to genocide

Another source of mounting tensions in 1990 was the grumblings of the Tutsi diaspora in refugee camps ringing the nation, particularly from Uganda. Rwanda had been given independence before Uganda, and the early Tutsi outcasts saw history played out in 30 years of Uganda's history, from independence from Britain, to a fledgling democracy, and on to Idi Amin and successive military overthrows. Rwandans fought alongside Ugandans, where they had helped depose Milton Obote with Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Army and saw his installation as president in January 1986.

Related Topics:
1990 - Uganda - Idi Amin - Milton Obote - Yoweri Museveni - National Resistance Army - 1986

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The mainly Tutsi Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) was formed in 1985 under Paul Kagame and saw an opportunity in their own country to demand recognition of their rights as Rwandans, including the right of return. On October 1, 1990 RPF forces invaded Rwanda from their base in neighbouring Uganda. The rebel force, composed primarily of Tutsis, blamed the government for failing to democratize and resolve the problems of some 500,000 Tutsi refugees living in diaspora around the world.

Related Topics:
1985 - Paul Kagame - October 1 - 1990 - Uganda

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The Rwandan government portrayed the invasion as an attempt to bring the Tutsi ethnic group back into power. International reaction was ambiguous. The violence increased ethnic tensions as Hutus rallied around the President. Habyarimana himself reacted by immediately repressing Tutsis and Hutus who were perceived to be in league with Tutsi interests. Habyarimana justified these acts by proclaiming it was the intent of the Tutsis to restore a kind of Tutsi feudal system and thus to enslave the Hutu race.

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There is some evidence suggesting US approval of the RPF's invasion:

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• Training provided for Kagame and other RPF officers at Fort Leavenworth immediately prior to and during their invasion from Uganda is officially acknowledged.
• Specific training in Surface-to-air missile deployment is alleged, alongside claims that the US supplied the SAM missiles used to kill Habyarimana. http://www.allthingspass.com/journalism.php?jid=23
• Two Ugandan emissaries were briefly charged in 1992 with attempting illegally to purchase TOW missiles http://www.africaintelligence.com/ps/AN/Arch/ION/ION_540.asp in Orlando, Florida — formerly a distribution hub of TOW weapons in the Iran-Contra affair.
• US and UK diplomacy apparently did nothing to halt the destabilising RPF invasion until June 1993 http://www.un.org/Depts/dpko/dpko/co_mission/unomurbackgr.html, by which time a stalemate had in any case been reached.
• Doubts were raised http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/rwanda/2004/0312blackbox.htm about the handling by UN investigators of a black box thought to be from Habyarimana's plane, which was lost at UN headquarters for 10 years. The black box was later determined to be unrelated to that crash. http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/rwanda/2004/0607tied.htm
• American reluctance to permit an effective UN intervention, a matter of record http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/power.htm, may be portrayed as permitting the RPF an opportunity to seize the territory.

Arusha Accords

See main article Arusha accords

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The war dragged on for almost two years. Talks began July 12 1992, a cease-fire took effect July 31, and political talks began August 10, 1992. The Arusha accords were signed after protracted negotiations under the auspices of the Organization of African Unity, until June 24, 1993, with a meeting in Rwanda July 19 to July 25, 1993. Final signing was on August 4, 1993.

Related Topics:
July 12 - 1992 - July 31 - August 10 - Organization of African Unity - June 24 - 1993 - July 19 - July 25 - August 4

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The accords fixed a timetable for an end to the fighting and a start of political talks, leading to a peace accord and power sharing, while authorizing a neutral military observer group under the auspices of the Organization for African Unity. However, the relations continued to be strained.

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Preparations for the genocide

During this period the rhetoric of Hutu nationalism escalated. Radio stations, particularly Radio Télévision Libre de Mille Collines (RTLM) and newspapers, began a campaign of hate and fear, broadcasting and publishing material referring to the Tutsi as subhuman and making veiled calls for violence. Radical Hutu groups started to amass weapons, and the nation became increasingly polarized as neighbourhoods became exclusively populated by only one group.

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According to Linda Melvern http://www.ushmm.org/conscience/events/melvern/melvern.php, a British investigative reporter who was given access to official records, the genocide was well organized. By the time the killing started, the militia in Rwanda was 30,000 strong — one militia member for every ten families — and organized nationwide, with representatives in every neighbourhood. Some militia members were able to acquire AK-47 assault rifles by completing requisition forms. Other weapons such as grenades required no paperwork and were widely distributed.

Related Topics:
AK-47 assault rifles - Grenade

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The genocide was at least partly financed with money misappropriated from international aid programs, such as the funding provided by the World Bank and the IMF under a Structural Adjustment Program. It is estimated that $134 million was spent on genocide preparation in Rwanda — already one of the poorest and most troubled nations on Earth — with some $4.6 million spent on machetes, hoes, axes, razors, and hammers alone. It is estimated that such spending allowed the distribution of one new machete to every three Hutu males.

Related Topics:
International aid - World Bank - IMF - Machete - Hoe - Axe - Razor - Hammer

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According to Melvern, Rwandan Prime Minister Jean Kambanda revealed (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/3572887.stm) that the genocide was openly discussed in cabinet meetings, and how one cabinet minister said that she was "personally in favour of getting rid of all Tutsi… without the Tutsi all of Rwanda's problems would be over".

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Initial assassinations

On April 6, 1994, the French Mystère-Falcon jet carrying President Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira, the Hutu President of Burundi, was shot down as it prepared to land in Kigali. Both presidents were killed when the plane crashed. The exact responsibility for this act is not known. Recent reports suggest it was radical Hutu nationalists in the presidential guard.

Related Topics:
April 6 - French - Cyprien Ntaryamira - President of Burundi - Kigali

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However, in January 2000 three Tutsi informants told the United Nations that they were part of an elite strike team that carried out the assassination of the Hutu president. They told UN investigators in 1997 that the killing of president Juvénal Habyarimana was carried out "with the assistance of a foreign government" under the overall command of Paul Kagame, currently (2005) the president of Rwanda.

Related Topics:
2000 - United Nations - 1997 - Paul Kagame

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UN investigators had believed that Hutu extremists within the family circle of Mr Habyarimana had killed him. At the time, Habyarimana was involved in talks that aimed at sharing power with the Rwandese Patriotic Front. The informants told the investigators that the front decided to kill Habyarimana because the group was not pleased with the slow pace of the talks.

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The person charged by the UN with inquiring into the assassinations in 1994, Mr Rene Degni-Ségui, affirmed in front of the Belgian senate http://www.senate.be/www/?MIval=/publications/viewPubDoc&TID=16778570&LANG=fr#1-611/7_185

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: "Concerning the attack of the presidential plane, it is the Gordian knot of this story. As soon as I took my duties, I went to Geneva. I had in audience the ambassador of France because my mandate specified well that I was to investigate this subject. I asked whether France could place at my disposal the black box of the presidential plane. He said to me: "I understand, I will refer about it to my government" Thereafter, he indicated to me that the government did not have this black box. I then went to Kigali, where I met the military staff. I asked them: "Can I have the black box?" There were four soldiers, the head of staff and others. The head of staff said to me: "the black box is with the military" I said to him: "But yourselves, you are the military" And finally, he said to me: "We do not have it, ask France" I was thus returned one with the other, and finally, there was a certain Baril captain (sic: misspelled for Captain Paul Barril) who claimed to have the box — and I asked the United Nations to place at my disposal a board of inquiry with an expert in ballistics, in order to make research. Indeed, meanwhile, it was said that the ICAO could not make the investigation, because the plane was not a civil aircraft, but a military aircraft. And one thus needed a board of inquiry. I requested it from the United Nations, and it was answered me that there was no budget for that. The Rwandan government had also asked me to investigate this subject. And in one of my reports, I precisely recall, I draw the alarm bell, for saying to make quickly before it is too late. I even fear that it is too late now. So that, up to now, I did not achieve this task before I have to leave."

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The dramatic airplane attack was an unambiguous signal to all Rwandans. Those who were going to kill knew what they had to do; the Tutsi and the moderate Hutu understood at once that they would be attacked.

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On the nights of April 6 and 7 the staff of the Armed Forces of Rwanda (FAR) and Colonel Bagosora clashed verbally with UNAMIR Force Commander General Roméo Dallaire, who pointed out the legal authority of the Prime Minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, to take the control of the situation as outlined in Arusha Accords. Colonel Bagosora disputed the authority. General Dallaire decided to give an escort of UNAMIR personnel to Mrs Uwilingiyimana to protect her overnight and to allow her to send a calming message on the radio the next morning. By then, the presidential guard occupied the radio station and Mrs Uwilingiyimana had to cancel her speech. In the middle of the day, she was assassinated by the presidential guard. The Belgian UNAMIR soldiers sent to protect her were later found massacred.

Related Topics:
UNAMIR - Roméo Dallaire - Agathe Uwilingiyimana

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Other moderate officials favourable to the Arusha Accords were quickly assassinated. Faustin Twagiramungu escaped execution as he was passed to the safety of UNAMIR.

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