Joseph Chamberlain
The Right Honourable Joseph Chamberlain (8 July 1836–2 July 1914) was a British statesman. In his early years he was a successful businessman, a radically minded Liberal, a campaigner for educational reform and became President of the Board of Trade. Later he re-emerged in alliance with the Conservatives, as an imperialist and protectionist, serving as Colonial Secretary. Despite never becoming Prime Minister, he is regarded as one of the most important British politicians of the late 19th century and early 20th century, a colourful character and a renowned orator. He was the father of Sir Austen Chamberlain (1863 to 1937) and Neville Chamberlain (1869 to 1940).
Zenith
The Khaki Election
With Salisbury ill, Chamberlain dominated the Unionist election campaign. Salisbury did not speak at all, and Balfour made few public appearances, causing some to refer to the event as 'Joe's Election'. Fostering a cult of personality, Chamberlain began to refer to himself in the third person as 'the Colonial Secretary', and he ensured that the Boer War featured as the campaign's single issue, arguing that a Liberal victory would lead to defeat in the war in South Africa. Controversy ensued over the use of the phrase "Every seat lost to the government is a seat sold to the Boers" as the Unionists waged a personalised campaign against Liberal critics of the war ? some posters even portrayed Liberal M.P.'s praising President Kruger and helping him to haul down the Union Jack. Chamberlain was in the forefront of such tactics, declaring in a speech that "we have come practically to the end of the war?there is nothing going on now but a guerrilla business, which is encouraged by these men; I was going to say those traitors, but I will say instead these misguided individuals." Some Liberals also resorted to sharp campaigning practices, with Lloyd George in particular accusing the Chamberlain family of profiteering. References were made to Kynochs, a cordite manufacturing firm run by Chamberlain's brother, Arthur, as well as Hoskins & Co., of which the Civil Lord of the Admiralty, Austen, held some shares. Many Liberals rejected Lloyd George's claims, and Chamberlain dismissed them as unworthy of reply, although the charges troubled him more than he was prepared to make evident in public.
Related Topics:
Election - Civil Lord of the Admiralty
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Twenty-six year old Winston Churchill, famous for his escape from a Boer Prisoner of War camp and his journalism for the Morning Post, successfully stood as a Conservative candidate in Oldham, where Chamberlain spoke on his behalf. Churchill recalled that 'I watched my honoured guest with close attention. He loved the roar of the multitude, and with my father could always say "I have never feared the English democracy." The blood mantled in his cheek, and his eye as it caught mine twinkled with pure enjoyment.' Churchill also commented on Chamberlain's status in British politics at the time of the election campaign, writing that 'Mr. Chamberlain was incomparably the most live, sparkling, insurgent, compulsive figure in British affairs?'Joe' was the one who made the weather. He was the man the masses knew.' Chamberlain used his popularity and the cause of imperialism in the election to devastating effect, and with the Liberals split over the issue of the war, the Unionists won a huge majority in the House of Commons of 219. The mandate was not as comprehensive as Chamberlain had hoped, but satisfactory enough to allow him to pursue his vision for the empire and to strengthen his position in the Unionist alliance.
Related Topics:
Winston Churchill - Oldham
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Anglo-German Alliance negotiations: third attempt
Under pressure from Balfour and Queen Victoria, the ailing Salisbury surrendered the seals of the Foreign Office on 23 October whilst remaining as Prime Minister. Lansdowne was appointed Foreign Secretary, and with the further eclipse of Salisbury, Chamberlain's importance within the Unionist government grew further still. Whilst Lansdowne grew accustomed to his new posting, Chamberlain took the opportunity to take the lead in British foreign affairs and attempt, yet again, to formulate an agreement with Germany. At Chatsworth House on 16 January 1901, Chamberlain and Devonshire made it known to Eckardstein that they still aimed to take Britain into the Triple Alliance. In Berlin, this news was received with some satisfaction, although von Bülow continued to exercise caution, believing that Germany could afford to wait. Meanwhile, Victoria's physical condition worsened, Chamberlain being the last Cabinet minister to see Victoria on 10 January, informing her of the latest events in South Africa. On 20 January, Wilhelm II arrived in England to be close to her dying grandmother, a gesture that was to win the affection of his English relatives. On 22 January, Victoria died, with Chamberlain later remarking in the House of Commons that "she was the greatest of Englishwomen ? I almost said of Englishmen ? for she added the highest of manly qualities to the personal delicacy of a woman." Amidst the bereavement, the Wilhelm II's regard for Britain increased markedly, making an Anglo-German alliance appear likelier, especially when the Kaiser was informed of the Chatsworth proposal. Wilhelm II was inclined to accept Chamberlain's proposal and sent a telegram to Berlin urging a positive response, yet von Bülow wished to delay negotiations until Britain was more vulnerable, pointing in particular to the ongoing war in South Africa. Urged by Count Paul Wolff-Metternich, the senior diplomat serving in his entourage, the Kaiser neglected to see Chamberlain during his fortnight in England, but did speak about the prospect of a future Anglo-German alliance at Marlborough House on the eve of his departure.
Related Topics:
23 October - Chatsworth House - 16 January - 1901 - Triple Alliance - 10 January - 20 January - 22 January - Count Paul Wolff-Metternich - Marlborough House
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On 18 March, Eckardstein called on Chamberlain to resume alliance negotiations, and although the Colonial Secretary reaffirmed his support, he was unwilling to commit himself, having remembered von Bülow's disdainful rebuke in 1899. Consequently, Chamberlain took a smaller role in the ensuing exchanges, and it was to Lansdowne that Eckardstein gave a proposal by von Bülow. A five year Anglo-German defensive alliance was presented to Lansdowne, to be ratified by Parliament and the Reichstag. Whilst Lansdowne prevaricated, von Hatzfeldt took firmer control of the negotiations, and presented a demanding invitation for Britain to join the Triple Alliance, in which Britain would be committed to the defence of Austria-Hungary. Unwilling to enter an alliance as a junior partner, Salisbury weighed in decisively against the proposal. If the Prime Minister's intervention had not signalled the death knell of the alliance conversations, then a public announcement by Chamberlain certainly did. On 25 October 1901, Chamberlain defended the British Army's tactics in South Africa against criticism by the European press, arguing that the conduct of British soldiers was much more respectable than the behaviour of troops in the Franco-Prussian War, a statement directed at Germany. The German press was outraged, and when von Bülow demanded an apology, Chamberlain was unrepentant. With this public dispute, Chamberlain's hopes of an Anglo-German alliance, diminished before Eckardstein's most recent offer in March, were finally dashed. Facing denunciation from von Bülow and a torrent of abuse from German newspapers, Chamberlain's credit soared, with the Times commenting that 'Mr. Chamberlain?is at this moment the most popular and trusted man in England.'
Related Topics:
18 March - Austria-Hungary - 25 October - Franco-Prussian War
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Chamberlain had undertaken negotiations with the French Ambassador, Paul Cambon, since March 1901, with the aim of settling colonial differences, although both Lansdowne and Cambon had not moved as quickly as Chamberlain would have liked. At Marlborough House in February 1902, at a banquet held by King Edward VII, Chamberlain and Cambon resumed their negotiations, with Eckardstein reputedly listening to their conversation and only successfully managing to comprehend the words "Morocco" and "Egypt". With Chamberlain still seeking to end Britain's diplomatic isolation and the negotiations with Germany having been terminated, a settlement with France was increasingly attractive. Chamberlain had contributed to laying the cornerstone of the Anglo-French Entente Cordiale that would come to full fruition in 1904.
Related Topics:
Paul Cambon - 1902 - King Edward VII - Entente Cordiale - 1904
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Boer War: victory
The occupation of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State in 1900 did not subdue the Boers, who waged a guerrilla campaign throughout 1901 until the end of the war in May 1902. Chamberlain was caught between the forceful demands of two groups, with Unionists demanding for a more effective military policy and many Liberals denouncing the war. Publicly, Chamberlain insisted upon the separation of civil and military authority, insisting that the conduct of the war be left to the generals. The revelation of concentration camps increased pressure on Chamberlain and the government to intervene more effectively ? and humanely ? in the running of the war. Chamberlain originally questioned the wisdom of establishing the camps, but tolerated them in deference to the military. In the autumn of 1901, Chamberlain took a firmer grip on proceedings when the scandal intensified, strengthening the hand of civilian governance. Although he refused to criticise the military in public, he outlined to Milner the importance of making the camps as habitable as possible, asking the Governor-General of the Cape whether he considered medical provisions to be adequate. Chamberlain also stipulated that unhealthy camps should be evacuated, overruling the army where necessary. By 1902, the death rate in the camps had halved, and was soon to drop below the usual mortality rate in rural South Africa. Despite the concerns of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir Michael Hicks Beach, at the spiralling costs of the war, Chamberlain maintained his insistence that the Boers be made to surrender unconditionally, and was supported by Salisbury. Whilst Kitchener, commanding British forces in South Africa, was eager to make peace with the Boers, Milner was content to wait until the Boers sought peace terms themselves. In April 1902, Chamberlain insisted upon the loss of independence of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State to Boer negotiators, a term that was accepted. However, the Boers insisted that Cape Afrikaner rebels be given amnesty and that Britain pay the Boer republics' war debts. Chamberlain overrode Milner's objections to accept the proposal, arguing that the financial costs of continuing the war justified the expenditure to relieve the debts of the Boer republics. Thus, the Treaty of Vereeniging was signed on 31 May 1902, thereby ending the Boer War. The conflict had not been as decisive at Chamberlain had hoped, for the British had put nearly 450,000 troops into the field and had spent nearly two million pounds. Nevertheless, the end of war and the inclusion of Boer territory as part of the British Empire presented what Chamberlain viewed as an opportunity to remodel Britain's imperial system.
Related Topics:
Sir Michael Hicks Beach - Kitchener - Treaty of Vereeniging - 31 May
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Resignation of Salisbury
The end of the Boer War allowed Salisbury, in declining health, to finally contemplate resignation. The Prime Minister was keen that Balfour, his nephew should succeed him, but realised that Chamberlain's followers felt that the Colonial Secretary had a legitimate claim to the premiership. Chamberlain was the most popular figure in the government, and Leo Maxse, editing the National Review, argued forcefully that Chamberlain should be appointed Prime Minister when Salisbury retired. Chamberlain himself was less concerned, assuring Balfour's Private Secretary in February 1902 that 'I have my own work to do and?I shall be quite willing to serve under Balfour.' On 3 July, Salisbury's Private Secretary, Schomberg McDonnell, wrote to Lord Curzon informing him that Salisbury was about to retire. A few days later, 7 July 1902, Chamberlain was travelling in a cab from the Colonial Office to the Athenaeum Club when at Trafalgar Square, the horse drawing the cab slipped, pulling the carriage forward violently. Chamberlain was thrown out of his seat, and a pane of glass crashed onto his head, causing a deep three-and-a-half inch gash. Dazed, and having lost a pint of blood, Chamberlain was taken to Charing Cross Hospital. Refusing an anaesthetic, Chamberlain had three stitches administered and left hospital the next day, with a black silk scarf characteristically concealing his bandages. Returning to his house, Chamberlain was told by doctors to cease work immediately and remain in bed for two weeks. On 11 July, Salisbury went to Buckingham Palace without notifying his Cabinet colleagues and resigned, with the King inviting Balfour to form a new government later that day. Before accepting, Balfour visited Chamberlain's home at Prince's Gardens to consult the Colonial Secretary, who was informed of Salisbury's resignation. Chamberlain was satisfied to acquiesce in the King's choice, for although he had harboured ambitions to occupy Downing Street, he was content with the prominence presented by his post at the Colonial Office, in which he was regarded informally as the 'First Minister of the Empire'. Furthermore, despite Chamberlain's organisational skills and his immense popularity, many Conservatives still mistrusted him for his Radicalism, and Chamberlain was aware of the difficulties that would be presented by being part of a Liberal Unionist minority leading a Conservative majority. Chamberlain and the new Prime Minister, Balfour, possessed dramatically different characters, encapsulated by Chamberlain's remark "Arthur hates difficulties. I love 'em." Balfour and Chamberlain were both aware that the Unionist government's survival depended on their cooperation.
Related Topics:
Leo Maxse - 3 July - Schomberg McDonnell - Lord Curzon - 7 July - Athenaeum Club - Trafalgar Square - Charing Cross Hospital - 11 July - Buckingham Palace
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1902 Education Act
Chamberlain's support base was threatened by the introduction before Parliament of the Education Bill by Balfour. This legislation was framed with the intention of promoting national efficiency, a cause which Chamberlain thought worthy. However, the Education Bill proposed to abolish Britain's 2,568 school boards that were established under W.E. Forster's 1870 Act, bodies that were popular with Nonconformists and Radicals. In their place, Balfour proposed to establish Local Education Authorities that would administer a state centred system of primary, secondary and technical schools. Furthermore, the Bill would entail ratepayer's money being granted to voluntary, Church of England schools. Chamberlain was anxious about the Bill's proposals, aware that they would estrange Nonconformists, Radicals and many Liberal Unionists from the government. However, Chamberlain was in no position to oppose the Bill, owing his position at the head of the empire's governance to the support provided by the Conservatives. Chamberlain warned Robert Morant about the probability of Nonconformist dissent, asking why voluntary schools could not receive funds from the state rather than the rates. In response, Morant argued that the Boer War had drained the Exchequer of finances.
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The furore over the Education Bill imperilled the Liberal Unionist wing of the government, with the prospect of Nonconformist voters switching allegiance to the Liberal Party. Chamberlain sought to stem the feared exodus by securing a major concession ? local authorities would be given the discretion over the issue of rate aid to voluntary schools, yet even this was renounced before the guillotining of the Bill and its passage through Parliament in December 1902. Thus, Chamberlain had to make the best of a hopeless situation, writing fatalistically that 'I consider the Unionist cause is hopeless at the next election, and we shall certainly lose the majority of the Liberal Unionists once and for all.' Chamberlain already regarded tariff reform as an issue that could revitalise support for Unionism.
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Tour of South Africa
Chamberlain's visit to South Africa lasted between 26 December 1902 and 25 February 1903. The Colonial Secretary sought to promote Anglo-Afrikaner conciliation and the colonial contribution to the British Empire, and endeavoured to personally encounter people in the newly unified South Africa, including those who had so recently been his enemies during the Boer War. In Natal, Chamberlain was given a rapturous welcome, whilst in the Transvaal, he met Boer leaders who were attempting unsuccessfully to alter the peace terms reached at Vereeniging. The reception given to Chamberlain in the Orange River Colony was surprisingly warm, although he was engaged in a two hour argument with General Hertzog, who accused the British government of breaking three terms of the Treaty of Vereeniging. During his visit, Chamberlain became convinced that the Boer territories required a period of government under the British crown before being granted self-governance within the empire. In the Cape, Chamberlain found that the Afrikaner Bond was more affable regarding his visit than many members of the English speaking Progressive Party, now under the leadership of Jameson, who called Chamberlain 'the callous devil from Birmingham.' Chamberlain successfully persuaded the Prime Minister, John Gordon Sprigg, to hold elections as soon as possible, a positive step considering the hostile nature of the Cape Parliament since 1899. During the tour, Chamberlain and his wife had visited twenty-nine towns, with the Colonial Secretary delivering sixty-four speeches and receiving eighty-four deputations. Chamberlain's visit had contributed somewhat to the reconciliation of the British and the Boers, and had demonstrated the importance Chamberlain placed on South Africa to the British Empire.
Related Topics:
26 December - 25 February - 1903 - General Hertzog - Afrikaner Bond - John Gordon Sprigg
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Tariff reform: Unionist split
Chamberlain made no secret of his desire to see an imperial federation formed on the model of Bismarckian Germany to allow Britain to maintain its global role amidst the growing economic challenge of the United States and Germany. He argued that with the empire consolidated as a single entity, Britain would automatically remain a great power, able to exert its influence in a world where the United States, Germany and Russia were expected to dominate. Essential for Chamberlain's objective was to have a system of preferential trade with the empire, necessitating tariffs on foreign imports coming into the empire. Tariff reform also had domestic objectives, for Chamberlain felt that finances could be generated from tariffs for a scheme of old-age pensions and other social improvements. Such a programme would help Chamberlain secure the Unionist's hold on the West Midlands, and enhance Chamberlain's power inside the government still further. Chamberlain prepared to break the Free Trade consensus that had dominated British economics since the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846, in order to push for Imperial Preference as an alternative for the good of what he perceived as Britain's imperial destiny and the welfare of the working class.
Related Topics:
Bismarckian - Pension - Free Trade - Corn Laws - 1846 - Imperial Preference
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In April 1902, Chamberlain dined with the 'Hughligans', a small Parliamentary society which included Lord Hugh Cecil and Churchill among its membership. Churchill recalled that
Related Topics:
Hughligans - Lord Hugh Cecil
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' As rose to leave he paused at the door, and turning said with much deliberation, "You young gentlemen have entertained me royally, and in return I will give you a priceless secret. Tariffs! They are the politics of the future, and of the near future. Study them closely and make yourself masters of them, and you will not regret your hospitality to me." '
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In the same month, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Hicks Beach, levied a small duty on imported corn in order to raise revenue for the payment of the Boer War. Chamberlain was eager to use this as a starting point for the reordering of Britain's trade, and he was encouraged by a report submitted in June by the President of the Board of Trade, Gerald Balfour, the Prime Minister's younger brother, which suggested that reciprocal agreements with the colonies might be beneficial. In July, the Colonial Conference was convened in London, and whilst it rejected Chamberlain's suggestion that an Imperial Council should be established, it passed a resolution endorsing Imperial Preference. Chamberlain was increasingly confident that his proposals were gathering pace, and he brought the matter before the Cabinet in advance of embarking on his tour of South Africa in December 1902. Problematically for Chamberlain, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, C.T. Ritchie was vigorously opposed to any scheme of Imperial Preference. Although Ritchie made his opinions known, the Cabinet was generally favourable towards Chamberlain's proposal when it was raised on 21 October. In November, the Cabinet agreed, at Chamberlain's prompting, to remit the corn tax in favour of the self governing colonies in the upcoming budget. Having thought that he had gained the agreement of the Cabinet, Chamberlain went to South Africa, whilst Ritchie worked to reverse the Cabinet's earlier decision. In March 1903, before Chamberlain's return, Ritchie asked Balfour to schedule a meeting in order to put the budget before the Cabinet. Balfour refused, and warned Chamberlain, using Austen as an intermediary, of Ritchie's continuing opposition. Chamberlain arrived in Southampton on 14 March, and prepared to do battle with Ritchie, determined that the corn tax should be maintained in the imminent budget.
Related Topics:
Gerald Balfour - C.T. Ritchie - 21 October - Budget - 14 March
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Chamberlain was shocked to find on 17 March that the majority of the Cabinet was in agreement with Ritchie, and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had reversed the decision reached last November. Balfour chose not to take sides, but did not oppose Ritchie for fear of losing his Chancellor on the eve of the presentation of the budget. Chamberlain accepted that there was not enough time to debate the matter in Cabinet before the budget, and allowed Ritchie to have his way. Consequently, the Chancellor presented a Free Trade orientated budget to the House of Commons on 23 April, during which Chamberlain was completely silent. Whilst Chamberlain had been taken aback by the Cabinet's u-turn, the Colonial Secretary prepared to surprise his colleagues in return. On 15 May, At the heart of his power base, Birmingham Town Hall, Chamberlain remarked before his speech to the event's chief organiser, "You can burn your leaflets. We are going to talk about something else." Chamberlain proceeded to lament the demise of the corn tax to his audience and insisted that the greatness of the empire could be preserved by introducing a system of Imperial Preference, a matter he hoped would dominate the next general election. His impromptu speech stunned Balfour and the Cabinet, the Prime Minister having just publicly insisted that it was not yet time to implement a policy of Imperial Preference. Furthermore, on 28 May, Chamberlain reiterated his challenge to Free Trade orthodoxy in the House of Commons, amidst cheering from many Unionists. Balfour, caught between Free Traders supportive of Ritchie and Tariff Reformers supportive of Chamberlain, hoped to calm the situation by devoting the summer to the question. In public, Balfour professed support for neither side, much to the derision of the Liberal Party.
Related Topics:
17 March - 23 April - 15 May - 28 May
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Balfour was successful in stemming debate on the subject whilst the Board of Trade compiled statistics on the matter. A Cabinet meeting convened on 13 August failed to reach an agreement, and a final decision was postponed until 14 September. Balfour hoped that Chamberlain would moderate his espousal of tariff reform in order to satisfy the majority of the Cabinet, and particularly the other prominent Liberal Unionist, Devonshire. The Prime Minister was content with the prospect of losing die-hard Free Traders, and prepared a memorandum which contained a number of radical, reforming economic views. On 9 September, Chamberlain dramatically sent a letter of resignation to Balfour, explaining his wish to campaign publicly for Imperial Preference outside the Cabinet. An hour before the Cabinet meeting on 14 September, Chamberlain and Balfour reached an agreement, in which Chamberlain would resign and rally public support for Imperial Preference if the Cabinet could not be persuaded to adopt the new policy. Balfour agreed to promote Austen to the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, who would then speak for his father inside the Cabinet. If the campaign was successful, Balfour could lead the Unionists onto safe electoral ground and give full backing to Imperial Preference at the next general election. When the Cabinet meeting began, having failed to persuade the Cabinet to back his proposals, Chamberlain announced his resignation, but Balfour did not mention his letter to the Cabinet, impressing on many members the belief that Chamberlain was not serious about resigning. The Prime Minister then forced the resignations of Ritchie and Lord Balfour of Burleigh for having submitted memoranda advocating Free Trade. The next day, Lord George Hamilton resigned, and on 16 September, Balfour not only announced the resignations of Ritchie and Hamilton, but of Chamberlain too. Whilst the Free Trade ministers were appalled that Chamberlain's letter of resignation had been kept secret, the Duke of Devonshire, having also resigned, rescinded his decision upon the revelation of Chamberlain's departure. When Balfour explained his fiscal policy on 1 October, Devonshire submitted his resignation again, much to the Prime Minister's annoyance ? in a matter of days, the Unionist government had lost its most popular public figure, its Chancellor and a politician of Devonshire's respectable standing, leaving it bereft of heavyweight front-line politicians.
Related Topics:
13 August - 14 September - 9 September - Lord Balfour of Burleigh - Lord George Hamilton - 16 September - 1 October
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Tariff reform: Chamberlain's last crusade
Chamberlain asserted his authority over the Liberal Unionists in the wake of Devonshire's departure. Furthermore, he increased his standing with the Conservative Party when the National Union of Conservative Associations declared majority support for tariff reform. With firm support from provincial Unionism and most of the press, Chamberlain hurled himself into the crusade for tariff reform with unbridled enthusiasm, addressing vast crowds and extolling the virtues of Empire and Imperial Preference, campaigning with the slogan 'Tariff Reform Means Work for All'. On 6 October 1903, Chamberlain opened the campaign with a speech at Glasgow. The newly formed Tariff Reform League received vast funding, allowing it to wage an advanced democratic campaign involving the printing and distribution of large numbers of leaflets and even the playing of Chamberlain's recorded messages to public meetings via gramophone. The most prominent aspect of the campaign was Chamberlain himself, who made addresses at Greenock, Newcastle, Liverpool and Leeds within a month of the outset. Chamberlain explained at Greenock how Free Trade threatened British industry, declaring that "sugar is gone; silk has gone; iron is threatened; wool is threatened; cotton will go! How long are you going to stand it? At the present moment these industries?are like sheep in a field." At Liverpool on 27 October, Chamberlain was escorted to the Conservative Working Men's Association by mounted police amidst wild cheering. Aiming to enlist the support of the working class, Chamberlain assured his audience that tariff reform ensured low unemployment.
Related Topics:
6 October - Glasgow - Tariff Reform League - Greenock - Liverpool - Leeds - 27 October
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Whilst the Liberal Party were able to heal their divisions and rally under the banner of Free Trade, the Unionist split became more apparent. Balfour was unwilling to move beyond the cautious protectionism that he had endorsed shortly after Chamberlain's resignation, and had no inclination to announce an early general election, for by-election results were comprehensively unfavourable for the Unionists. Whilst Chamberlain toured the country, the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, Herbert Asquith stalked him by preaching the virtues of Free Trade in the same venues that Chamberlain had appeared a few evenings before. To Balfour's benefit, the campaign for tariff reform underwent a brief intermission as Chamberlain's health began to fail. Suffering from gout and neuralgia, Chamberlain took a two month holiday in February 1904. In June, Chamberlain spoke at St. Helens against his doctor's orders, and took another break in August, travelling to Aix-les-Bains. By now, Chamberlain had accepted that the Unionists were likely to lose the general election, and criticised Balfour for delaying. Indeed, Chamberlain now hoped that Balfour would fail in promoting his guarded fiscal doctrine, probably with a view of eventually leading the Unionists in opposition to the Liberals on a purely protectionist platform after the expected defeat in the general election ? to his son Neville, Chamberlain wrote that 'The Free Traders are common enemies. We must clear them out of the party & let them disappear.' Chamberlain's attempt in this respect amounted to vigorous local action, and by the end of 1904, the Tariff Reform League's numerous branches were challenging the Conservative National Union. Chamberlain also attempted to secure the Tariff Reform League's representation inside Conservative Central Office. Balfour adhered firmly to his programme of retaliatory tariffs and attempted to minimise the obvious differences between Chamberlain and he. Publicly, Chamberlain claimed that Balfour's stance was the precursor to a fuller policy of Imperial Preference. Meanwhile, Chamberlain continued to campaign for tariff reform with a zeal and energy that was commendable for a man of nearly seventy. Reconciliation appeared imminent when Balfour agreed to call a general election after the 1906 Colonial Conference, in which tariff reform would be discussed. However, threatened by a backbench revolt, Balfour rescinded the agreement and called for party unity. Chamberlain ignored this and intensified his campaign in November 1905, leading directly to Balfour's resignation on 4 December. The Liberal Party leader, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, subsequently took office and dissolved Parliament.
Related Topics:
Herbert Asquith - Gout - Neuralgia - St. Helens - Aix-les-Bains - Conservative Central Office - 4 December
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1906 General Election
With the Unionists divided, out of favour with many of its former supporters, and their administration manifestly lightweight, the Liberal Party won the 1906 general election by a landslide, with the shattered Unionists reduced to just 157 seats in the House of Commons. Whilst Balfour lost his seat in East Manchester, Chamberlain and his followers increased their majorities in the West Midlands. With approximately 102 of the remaining Unionist M.P.'s supportive of Chamberlain, it appeared that he was a favourite to take over the leadership of the Unionists, or at least win a major concession in favour of tariff reform. Chamberlain called for a Party meeting, and under immense pressure, the newly seated Balfour agreed on 14 February 1906 in the 'Valentine letters' to concede that
Related Topics:
1906 general election - 14 February
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' Fiscal Reform is, and must remain, the constructive work of the Unionist Party. That the objects of such reforms are to secure more equal terms of competition for British trade, and closer commercial union within the Colonies. '
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Although in opposition, it appeared that Chamberlain had successfully pinned the Unionists to the cause of tariff reform, and that Balfour would be compelled to accede to Chamberlain's future demands.
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